Conference on Nationalism in Catalonia and Scotland.
On Wednesday, June 26, 2013, the lecture “Nationalism, Democracy, and Conflict: Challenges in Catalonia and Scotland,” organized by the Department of International Studies, was held in the auditorium of the School of Management and Social Sciences. The presentation was given by Dr. Filipe Vasconcelos Romão, a researcher at the Observatory of Foreign Relations at the Autonomous University of Lisbon. According to the expert, nationalism is a “hot” topic in Europe because the economic crisis has given rise to new identities that challenge the nation-states and the European Union.
Generally speaking, a sovereign state corresponds to a nation, Vasconcelos explained, and there are no movements that challenge this. However, from the end of the Cold War to the present, this concept “is not static” due to the creation of international organizations such as the European Union, and especially due to the reorganization of states that are revitalizing and transforming their internal rigidity in response to the emergence of local autonomies.
Spain and the United Kingdom are countries that have altered their internal structures to accommodate local identities. In Spain, this shift occurred following the end of Francisco Franco’s far-right dictatorship, which had suppressed the “distinctive characteristics” that had existed in Catalonia and Galicia since the 19th century.
During the transition to democracy in 1975–1976, the country shifted from an authoritarian, centralized state to a decentralized democracy. As a result, local identities reemerged and formed their own autonomous institutions similar to those of a sovereign state: today they have parliaments, anthems, flags, etc. Of the 17 autonomous communities throughout Spain, the Basques and Catalans are the ones that historically have the strongest national aspirations, and they are leading a process of “autonomization” of the Spanish state.
In the United Kingdom, the context of internal state reorganization was different because, unlike in Spain, liberal democracy has existed for centuries. The British Isles have always been home to different nationalities, such as English, Irish, Welsh, and Scottish. Upon joining the United Kingdom, many nations, such as Scotland and Wales, lost their parliaments. But they regained them in 1998 during the administration of Labour Prime Minister Tony Blair, who launched a referendum to decentralize political power.
Catalonia and Scotland do, however, share certain characteristics. With the exception of very isolated incidents, nationalist violence is not a feature of either nation. Thus, nationalist goals are achieved through democratic means.
Despite this, both Catalan and Scottish nationalism “have recently radicalized their rhetoric,” the expert explained. Catalan nationalism has two branches: one center-right and the other left-wing republican. Center-right Catalan nationalists held the regional government from 1980 to 2003 under Jordi Pujol, a moderate politician with strong ties to Spanish parties and the King of Spain. It was a period when Spain was experiencing economic growth and political stability, which allowed the central government to transfer resources and responsibilities—such as healthcare and education—to the Catalan regional government.
“But with the 2008 crisis, the wealth-based autonomy arrangements became more radical,” explained Vasconcelos. Catalonia generates 18.7% of Spain’s GDP and is the region that contributes the most in absolute terms. However, Catalan healthcare, for example, is of lower quality than in other poorer regions such as Andalusia. Thus, Catalan nationalists believe they contribute more to Spain but are serving a poorer region. “The quality-of-life factor plays a role in gaining support for nationalist aspirations,” concluded Vasconcelos.
In Scotland, the crisis is also fueling nationalist aspirations. With the European recession, the Mar fossil fuel reserves have become attractive, which is why Scottish nationalists are proposing that these reserves be transferred to Scottish control rather than going to English industries, the expert explained.
Both the Socialists in Catalonia and the Scottish Labour Party (a branch of the English Labour Party) have seen their political influence wane in the face of center-right nationalism. A referendum on independence is expected to be held in Scotland by 2015. The possibility of Catalonia’s secession is “unthinkable in Spain because its constitution is much more rigid and does not provide for mechanisms of secession. The British constitution is much more flexible and adapts to the conditions of each nation,” explained Vasconelos.
Catalonia is close to European integration, but without Spain as an intermediary. The pursuit of Europe as a better economic prospect “is a contradiction” because the continent “is no better off than Spain,” the expert explained. Furthermore, each member state can veto the entry of another, which would lead to Catalonia’s isolation; as the most industrialized part of Spain, it could end up without Europe and without Spain. “There is a widespread utopian belief in Catalonia that Europe is a way out, but this is a crisis that cannot be resolved in a single generation.”